战区军事职业教育培养联合军官存在问题及建议

发展战区军事职业教育培养联合军官,是加强联合作战指挥人才建设、实现军事人才现代化、推进联合作战指挥体系建设的重要内容。文章针对当前面临的矛盾问题,围绕加快发展战区军事职业教育、下大力培育联合军官提出了顶层设计、优化内容体系、拓宽实践渠道、激发队伍活力。     

非椭圆扩展目标联合跟踪与分类算法

充分利用目标尺寸和形状信息,提出了一种基于星凸随机超曲面模型(random hypersurface model, RHM)的非椭圆扩展目标联合跟踪与分类(joint tracking and classification, JTC)算法。将目标空间扩展状态建模为星凸形状,通过目标类别相关先验信息的矢量化建模,建立起其与目标瞬时扩展状态的关系,并在统一的贝叶斯滤波框架下,实现跟踪与分类的一体化处理;进一步对目标运动学状态和扩展状态单独进行建模,并通过构建扩展状态的似然函数,利用粒子滤波实现目标类别概率算式的递推处理。仿真结果表明:与基于椭圆形状的扩展目标JTC算法相比,所提算法能对尺寸相近、形状不同的目标进行准确分类,同时可改善目标状态的估计效果;与基于星凸RHM的扩展目标跟踪算法相比,所提算法能大幅提高目标状态的估计性能。     

Covert radio communications: a viable tactic for international terrorists?

Covert operations by underground groups, such as transnational terrorists, are not new and neither are the methods members of these groups use to communicate in their shadowy world. In this regard, one of the enduring myths is that the main means these covert operatives use to communicate within their cell structure are telephones and emails in their various manifestations. This article critically discusses the possible use of wireless transmissions by transnational terrorists as a reliable form of communications. To critically discuss this proposition, a force field analysis was used to assess the theory that radio is a viable option. Implications of this study's findings are considered in terms of the ramifications they have for defence and security policy.     

基于随机拟合的悬浮式深弹弹阵特征建模

通过分析悬浮式深弹发射后在空中的弹道特性,建立了深弹弹着点坐标的计算模型。采取蒙特卡洛方法,分别对舰艇六自由度状态下,单管和六联装火箭深弹的弹着点坐标进行了仿真计算,对弹着点的分布规律进行了研究,并得出弹着点的联合密度函数。结果表明,在发射参数存在正态扰动下,弹着点散布区域均呈椭圆形分布,弹着点坐标均仍服从正态分布。     

公安现役部队遂行非战争军事行动训练的发展趋势探析

遂行非战争军事行动训练是公安现役部队教育训练的重要内容。近年来其训练效果在公安现役部队履职实践中得到了良好的体现。但面对日益复杂的斗争形势,公安现役部队在进行常规训练的同时,应更加突出应急训练、联合训练和心理训练,以更好地完成党和人民赋予的神圣使命。     

参数化建模的螺栓法兰连接刚度分析

为分析几何参数对螺栓法兰连接刚度的影响,用MSC.Patran软件的二次开发工具PCL(Patran Command Language)建立了螺栓法兰连接的参数化模型。研究了螺栓法兰连接刚度随连接结构几何参数的变化规律并进行了灵敏度分析。经分析可知,连接结构刚度对开孔位置比例参数最敏感,其次是上法兰厚度。当上部段长度大于某一数值时,连接结构刚度对上部段长度参数不敏感,这一结论能为连接结构动力学简化建模提供一定理论参考。     

The African Capacity for Immediate Response to Crisis: conceptual breakthrough or anti-imperialist phantom?

The creation of an African Capacity for Immediate Response to Crisis (ACIRC) is a sign of Africa's willingness to take its destiny into its own hands. Presented as a reaction to the slowness of the development of the African Standby Force (ASF), it is also a response to some of the ASF's conceptual weaknesses. This decision reflects a wish to establish an instrument better equipped to deal with the challenges Africa is facing. Departing from the (sub)regional logic of the ASF results from a desire to take into account the transnational nature of threats, while its enlarged mandate is meant to offer Africa the capacity to intervene in all kinds of conflicts, including by undertaking peace enforcement activities. But the obstacles on the road towards the actual creation and mobilisation of this capacity should not be underestimated. These include material difficulties, but also political tensions, between ‘small’ and ‘big’ states as well as between the African Union and subregional organisations. The risk then is high that the ACIRC, whose announcement came as a reaction to France's intervention in Mali, ends up joining the ranks of the many ‘anti-imperialist’ phantoms haunting the history of the Organization of African Unity/African Union (OAU/AU). Confronted by events considered ‘neocolonial’ initiatives, African actors have indeed traditionally reacted by launching grand projects that never got off the ground. However, by actually establishing this new instrument, they may also demonstrate that times have definitively changed.     

South Africa's threat environment: a guide for the National Planning Commission

Abstract

The mandate of South Africa's recently appointed National Planning Commission includes addressing ‘defence and security matters’. This article seeks to outline the central elements of the threat environment facing South Africa in the foreseeable future. It is argued that South Africa faces no meaningful existential threat from conventional military forces but that its security forces will need to be prepared to address possible raids and attacks by conventional military forces both on home soil and on vital interests beyond the nation's borders. Other threats highlighted include the threats posed by potential insurgencies, by terrorism, and by crime, social unrest and banditry. Also addressed is the danger of so-called hybrid threats, in which two or more of the single threat types outlined here are combined. Finally, the article challenges the National Planning Commission to rethink South Africa's policy on peace operations in the light of the need to ensure the safety and security of the nation's citizenry.     

Demobilisation,disarmament and reintegration in the Democratic Republic of Congo: The numbers game

Abstract

The creation of the Africa Command (AFRICOM) has reflected the growth in the strategic importance of Africa in US foreign policy since the end of the 1990s. One of the objectives of this new geographical military command is to forge closer links between foreign, security and development policies. However, this approach met with a number of difficulties associated with the challenge of ‘inter-agency cooperation’ among rather disparate actors from foreign affairs, defence and development. In addition, the establishment of AFRICOM has met with fierce criticism in the US and elsewhere – especially in Africa – culminating in the charge that the US foreign and development policies in Africa are being militarised. Although AFRICOM has a number of interesting features, this paper shows that it has reacted to these criticisms by realigning itself more closely with the traditional model of a military command, at the expense of the innovative interagency elements.     

‘Fighting for peace’

In Africa, most of the present conflicts are civil, intra-state wars where belligerent groups use guerrilla tactics to achieve various political, economic or ideological objectives. The atrocities and the effect of these on-going wars on innocent civilians, human suffering, poverty and development are beyond comprehension. Not surprisingly, the majority of current peace operations are in Africa, with more than 70 countries contributing forces to these conflict zones. On the continent, South Africa has come to assume a leading role in peace operations and is now a major troop-contributing country to UN and AU missions. In the past 11 years, the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) has taken part in no fewer than 14 peace missions. This article provides a brief background of the conflicts in Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Sudan, the different United Nations (UN) and African Union (AU) mandates under which peacekeepers had to operate as well as their objectives, and the extent of South Africa's involvement in the various missions. In the last section, the major challenges, that these operations have posed are highlighted.